FIRST EXPERIMENTS

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INTRODCUTION Spain’s Atlantic expansion began with the occupation of the Canary Islands in 1480, sparking conflict with Portugal until the Treaty of 1479 settled territorial disputes. This marked the start of Spain’s imperial ambitions, which accelerated with Christopher Columbus’s 1492 voyage, backed by Queen Isabel and King Ferdinand. The Capitulaciones de Santa Fe granted Columbus noble titles and economic incentives, solidifying Spain’s claim over newly discovered lands. Papal support, notably Pope Alexander VI’s Inter Caetera of 1493, reinforced Spain’s rights to these territories. Spain’s ambitions soon expanded to the mainland, culminating in Hernán Cortés’s conquest of the Triple Alliance in 1521. These conquests reshaped the Americas, setting the stage for European colonial rule. As you read this topic, reference our previous topic and consider the following: Do you see the manifestation of Spain’s medieval experience present in its early ventures into the Atlantic and Caribbean? What role and function did the Church play in the conquest and colonization of the Americas? Why and how were enslaved Africans brought to the Americas? LEARNING OBJECTIVES Analyze the motivations and geopolitical factors behind Spain’s Atlantic expansion in the Americas. Explain the role of religion and papal authority in legitimizing Spanish expansion. Assess the impact of Spanish colonization on indigenous populations and governance. Oxford History Timelines: West Africa | Caribbean | Brazil

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EXPANSION INTO THE ATLANTIC

Spain’s Atlantic enterprise began with the occupation of the Canary Islands in the late 15th century, marking the first major expansion of the Castilian crown beyond the Iberian Peninsula. The conquest of the archipelago, initiated in the 1480s, was part of a broader strategy to establish Spanish dominance in the Atlantic. However, Spanish claims to the Canary Islands were contested by Portugal, leading to significant diplomatic tensions between the two emerging maritime powers. This dispute was ultimately resolved through the Treaty of Alcáçovas (1479), in which Portugal formally renounced its claims to the Canary Islands in exchange for Castilian recognition of Portuguese dominance over the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verde. This agreement laid the foundation for Spain’s westward expansion into the Atlantic.

With the signing of this agreement, Spain embarked on a new era of exploration and colonial expansion, fundamentally altering the course of world history. Columbus’s first voyage later that year led to the European discovery of the New World, triggering a wave of Spanish exploration, conquest, and colonization that would shape global geopolitics for centuries to come.

The turning point in Spain’s Atlantic ambitions came in 1492 with the sponsorship of Christopher Columbus (1451–1506). After years of lobbying European courts for financial backing, Columbus successfully convinced Isabel of Castile and Ferdinand of Aragon, the Catholic Monarchs, to subsidize his voyage of exploration. The monarchs saw an opportunity to establish a direct trade route to Asia and expand their influence overseas. To formalize the agreement, they issued the Capitulaciones de Santa Fe (April 1492), a charter that outlined Columbus’s rights, privileges, and obligations in his expeditions. This document granted Columbus the title of “Admiral of the Ocean Sea,” as well as the position of Viceroy and Governor-General over any lands he discovered for Spain.

On August 3, 1492, Christopher Columbus embarked on his historic voyage, sailing westward from the port of Palos de la Frontera, Spain. Commanding a fleet of three ships—the Niña, the Pinta, and the Santa María—he sought a direct route to Asia but instead encountered lands previously unknown to Europeans. Upon his return to Spain in March 1493, Columbus brought news of the territories he had explored, as well as descriptions of the indigenous peoples he had encountered. His discoveries signaled a major turning point in European expansion, confirming that Spain had embarked on a westward trajectory that complemented Portugal’s established efforts to explore the African coast. With both Iberian powers now actively engaged in transoceanic expansion, the stage was set for Europe’s first sustained contact with the Americas, ushering in a new chapter in Atlantic history.

RELIGIOUS LEGITIMIZATION

Columbus’s return immediately raised profound legal, political, and religious questions. Chief among these were:

• Who had the right to rule over the indigenous populations encountered in these new lands?

• Who held the responsibility of bringing Christianity to them?

To resolve these issues and secure exclusive Spanish claims over the newly discovered territories, the Catholic Monarchs turned to the Papacy for support. They appealed to Pope Alexander VI (1431–1503), a Spaniard by birth, to affirm their right to sovereignty over the lands Columbus had found.

In 1493, Pope Alexander VI issued the Inter Caetera, a papal bull that granted Spain exclusive dominion over newly discovered lands west of a designated meridian, approximately 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde. This decree effectively confirmed Spain’s legal claim to vast territories in the Americas and emphasized the monarchy’s duty to spread Christianity among the indigenous peoples. The Inter Caetera was part of a broader framework of papal authority over territorial expansion, reflecting the Church’s role in legitimizing European colonial endeavors.

This ruling was preceded by a similar grant given to Portugal in 1455. Pope Nicholas V, through the Romanus Pontifex (January 8, 1455), had formally recognized Portuguese sovereignty over lands claimed beyond Cape Bojador (in modern-day Western Sahara). This earlier bull had justified Portugal’s territorial claims in Africa and affirmed its right to engage in the conversion of non-Christians, setting a precedent for papal involvement in European expansion.

The Inter Caetera laid the groundwork for further negotiations between Spain and Portugal, ultimately leading to the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), which divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe between the two powers along a revised meridian. These papal decrees played a crucial role in shaping the political, religious, and legal foundations of European colonial rule in the Americas, setting in motion centuries of Spanish and Portuguese influence in the New World. This effectively gave Spain a monopoly on the lands in the New World. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History notes the future implications of the Inter Caetera:

“The Bull stated that any land not inhabited by Christians was available to be “discovered,” claimed, and exploited by Christian rulers and declared that “the Catholic faith and the Christian religion be exalted and be everywhere increased and spread, that the health of souls be cared for and that barbarous nations be overthrown and brought to the faith itself.” This “Doctrine of Discovery” became the basis of all European claims in the Americas as well as the foundation for the United States’ western expansion. In the US Supreme Court in the 1823 case Johnson v. McIntosh, Chief Justice John Marshall’s opinion in the unanimous decision held “that the principle of discovery gave European nations an absolute right to New World lands.” In essence, American Indians had only a right of occupancy, which could be abolished.“

The primary problem the Spanish monarchy faced at this point in time, a problem faced throughout its history in the Americas, was how to impose its authority in these newly claimed territories.

THE SPANISH IN THE CARIBBEAN

The Spanish occupation of the Caribbean began in earnest in 1493, following Columbus’s second voyage. The island of Hispaniola (modern-day Haiti and the Dominican Republic) became the focal point of Spain’s colonial ambitions, serving as the first major European settlement in the New World. Columbus, tasked with establishing Spanish governance, faced significant challenges in consolidating control over the island and ensuring its prosperity. By 1494, Columbus had come under intense criticism for his failure to create stable and sustainable settlements in the Caribbean. Several key issues contributed to these difficulties. First, the Spanish settlers, unaccustomed to the challenges of tropical agriculture and survival in unfamiliar environments, struggled to produce food. Many depended on indigenous populations for sustenance, leading to conflicts and increasing tensions. Also, Columbus lacked experience in administration and governance. His rigid and often harsh leadership style alienated many of his own men, as well as indigenous communities. Additional problems arose when the Spanish settlers became divided, with some openly rebelling against Columbus’s authority. Reports of cruelty, mismanagement, and favoritism led to dissatisfaction among both settlers and the Crown.

Finally, the Taíno people, the island’s indigenous inhabitants, initially welcomed the Spaniards but soon resisted Spanish demands for labor and tribute. Violent clashes erupted, further destabilizing the colony. The failure of Columbus to maintain order and ensure the success of the Spanish enterprise led to a sharp decline in his reputation. His enemies at the Spanish court accused him of mismanagement, cruelty, and incompetence, leading to increased scrutiny of his actions. The Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas, an early advocate for indigenous rights who lived in the Caribbean, later described Columbus’s growing unpopularity among his own countrymen. He wrote:

“The outcome was hatred for the Admiral . . . and this is the source of his reputation in Spain as a cruel man hateful to all Spaniards, a man unfit to rule. Columbus’s prestige declined steadily from then on, without one day of respite, until in the end nothing was left of it and he fell utterly into disgrace.”

Columbus was replaced by Francisco de Bodadilla. However, it was under the leadership of Nicolás de Ovando, a knight-commander of the Order of Alcántara, that Spain was able to solidify its position in the Caribbean. Ovando arrived in the Caribbean with a military and religious mindset deeply rooted in Spain’s medieval conflicts against Islam. The Order of Alcántara, founded in the 12th century, was a clerical-military order that played a significant role in the Reconquista, waging war against Muslim rulers and repopulating conquered territories with Christian settlers. Many historians argue that Ovando applied these same strategies in the Caribbean, shaping Spain’s methods of conquest, colonization, and religious conversion in the Americas.

Under Ovando’s leadership, Hispaniola was transformed from a loosely governed settlement into a direct royal colony under Spanish rule, by shifting administrative control from explorers to royal officials, ensuring more direct oversight by the Spanish Crown. The Spanish population increased tenfold, growing from approximately 300 to 3,000 settlers, leading to the foundation of new towns that reinforced Spain’s long-term colonial presence. Gold production skyrocketed, primarily through the forced labor of indigenous peoples, and indigenous resistance was brutally suppressed, ensuring complete Spanish control. Ovando’s policies and administrative strategies laid the groundwork for colonial practices that would later be replicated throughout Latin America, making Hispaniola a testing ground for Spain’s imperial ambitions.

One of Ovando’s most lasting and controversial legacies was his role in implementing the encomienda system. In 1503, the Spanish monarchs ordered him to establish encomiendas in the Caribbean, adapting a medieval Spanish practice to the new colonial context. In medieval Spain, encomiendas were grants of land and its inhabitants awarded to Christian knights and nobles in exchange for military service. These grants typically gave recipients control over specific territories, required them to collect rents or tribute from the local population, and obligated them to provide military protection against non-Christian enemies, particularly Muslims.

In the Americas, however, the focus of encomienda shifted. Instead of land, Spanish settlers were granted control over indigenous labor. In return, encomenderos were responsible for Christianizing indigenous peoples, supervising their labor in gold mines and agriculture, and extracting tribute in the form of goods or services. In practice, encomienda became a system of forced indigenous labor, mirroring European feudalism but with an even greater emphasis on economic exploitation. The system became foundational to Spain’s colonial economy, spreading across Spanish America and defining the socio-economic relationship between Iberians and indigenous peoples for centuries.

THE INDIGENOUS QUESTION

The impact of Spanish exploitation on the indigenous cultures of the Caribbean was devastating. By 1530, the vast majority of the Taíno population had disappeared, decimated by forced labor, brutal working conditions, and European diseases such as smallpox and measles. Spanish policies, particularly under the encomienda system, had turned the native population into a disposable workforce, subjecting them to relentless toil in gold mines, agriculture, and colonial infrastructure projects. Indigenous resistance was violently crushed, and those who did not perish from disease or labor often faced execution or enslavement. The near-total destruction of the Taíno civilization marked one of the earliest instances of the catastrophic consequences of European colonial rule in the Americas.

As the humanitarian crisis deepened, voices of moral and ethical opposition emerged. In 1511, the Dominican friar Antonio de Montesinos (1475–1540), having witnessed firsthand the suffering of the indigenous peoples, delivered a celebrated and fiery sermon that publicly denounced the Spanish abuses. Speaking before a congregation of Spanish settlers, Montesinos condemned the cruelty and oppression inflicted upon the indigenous population, questioning the morality and legitimacy of Spain’s rule over the Caribbean. His sermon was radical and unprecedented, directly challenging the ethical foundation of Spain’s colonial enterprise and asserting that the indigenous people had souls, human dignity, and rights—a concept many Spanish colonists refused to acknowledge.

“This voice declares that you are in mortal sin, and live and die therein by reason of the cruelty and tyranny that you practice on these innocent people. Tell me, by what right or justice do you hold these Indians in such cruel and horrible slavery? By what right do you wage such de-testable wars on these people who lived mildly and peacefully in their own lands, where you have consumed infinite numbers of them with un-heard of murders and evils? Why do you so greatly oppress and fatigue them, not giving them enough to eat or caring for them when they fall ill from excessive labors, so that they die or rather are slain by you, so that you may extract and acquire gold every day? And what care do you take that they receive religious instruction and come to know their God and creator, or that they be baptized, hear mass, or observe holidays and Sundays? Are they not men? Do they not have rational souls? Are you not bound to love them as you love yourselves? How can you lie in such profound and lethargic slumber? Be sure that in your present state you can no more be saved than the Moors or Turks who do not have and do not want the faith of Jesus Christ.” – Antonio de Montesinos

The dispute between Montesinos and the Spanish colonists raised fundamental questions about the legitimacy of Spain’s authority over the Americas and its right to subjugate indigenous peoples as subjects of the Spanish Crown. His sermon ignited fierce backlash from colonial elites, who profited immensely from indigenous labor and saw his words as a threat to their economic and political interests. However, Montesinos’s message could not be ignored, and the controversy surrounding his sermon soon reached the Spanish court. Faced with growing concerns about the moral and legal justification of Spanish rule, King Ferdinand of Spain (1451–1516) sought answers from legal and philosophical experts within his court. Montesinos’s sermon ultimately helped spark a broader debate about the rights of indigenous peoples and the ethical foundations of Spanish colonization. This discourse would later influence key legal and theological arguments.

In response to the controversy sparked by Montesinos’s sermon, King Ferdinand of Spain convened a meeting of jurists and theologians to address the Dominican friar’s accusations and determine the legal and moral justification for Spanish rule over the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean. The primary aim of this gathering was to define the relationship between the Spanish Crown and the indigenous populations, particularly in the context of governance, conversion, and labor practices. This highly debated issue led to the production of several influential treatises that attempted to establish a legal and philosophical framework for Spain’s claims to its newly acquired territories.

One of the most notable contributions came from Matías de Paz, a theology professor, who authored the treatise Concerning the Rule of the King of Spain over the Indies (1512). In this work, de Paz argued that the Pope, as the vicar of Christ on Earth, held both temporal and spiritual authority over all of humanity. As a result, he concluded that the King of Spain had every legitimate right, instilled by papal authority, to rule over the territories of the Caribbean and its indigenous inhabitants. This reasoning aligned with the Inter Caetera papal bull issued by Pope Alexander VI in 1493, which had granted Spain the right to claim lands in the Americas for the purposes of spreading Christianity.

Another influential figure in this debate was Juan López Palacios Rubios (1450–1524), a Spanish jurist and legal scholar, who authored Of the Ocean Isles (1512). Palacios Rubios framed his argument using the authoritative writings of Aristotle, particularly the philosopher’s concept of natural slavery. He contended that the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean were “slaves by nature”—a classification that, according to Aristotelian thought, applied to those who lacked the ability to govern themselves and who were thus destined to be ruled by a superior power. He asserted that because the Spanish were more fit to rule, they had a moral obligation to govern and “civilize” indigenous societies. His work provided justifications for Spanish colonial domination by reinforcing the belief that indigenous peoples required European rule for their own benefit.

Palacios Rubios also played a key role in the creation of the Requerimiento, a legal manifesto that was to be read aloud to indigenous communities before Spanish forces engaged them in conquest. This document proclaimed Spain’s divine and legal right to subjugate the indigenous peoples, asserting that they must accept Spanish rule and Christianity, or face war and enslavement. The Requerimiento was often read in Spanish or Latin—languages the indigenous populations did not understand—before battles, serving as a symbolic and formalized justification for violent conquest.

The deliberations of these theologians and jurists provided an intellectual and legal foundation for Spanish colonial policies, shaping the moral and legal discourse of European imperialism. While some, like Matías de Paz, justified Spanish rule through papal authority and religious obligation, others, like Palacios Rubios, reinforced the deeply entrenched racial and philosophical hierarchies that would justify centuries of colonial exploitation. Below are selections from the Requerimiento, the document that would serve as a formal declaration of Spanish sovereignty over indigenous lands and peoples.

“One of these Pontiffs [popes] who succeeded that St. Peter as Lord of the world, in the dignity and seat which I have before mentioned, made donation of these isles and Tierra-firme to the aforesaid King and Queen and to their successors, our lords . . . . So their Highnesses are kings and lords of these islands and land of Tierra-firme by virtue of this donation: and some islands, and indeed almost all those to whom this has been notified, have received and served their Highnesses, as lords and kings, in the way that subjects ought to do, with good will, without any resistance, immediately, without delay, when they were informed of the aforesaid facts. And also they received and obeyed the priests whom their Highnesses sent to preach to them and to teach them our Holy Faith; and all these, of their own free will, without any reward or condition, have become Christians, and are so, and their Highnesses have joyfully and benignantly received them, and also have commanded them to be treated as their subjects and vassals; and you too are held and obliged to do the same. . . . if you do not do this, and maliciously make delay in it, I certify to you that, with the help of God, we shall powerfully enter into your country and shall make war against you in all ways and manners that we can, and shall subject you to the yoke and obedience of the Church and of their Highnesses . . . .”

In 1512, in response to the concerns raised by Antonio de Montesinos’s sermon and the broader debate over the treatment of indigenous peoples, the Spanish Crown made its first official attempt to regulate Spanish-indigenous relations by issuing the Laws of Burgos (1512–1513). These laws represented Spain’s first systematic effort to establish a legal framework that addressed the governance, labor conditions, and rights of indigenous peoples in the Americas while also formalizing and regulating the encomienda system.

Enacted under King Ferdinand, the Laws of Burgos were intended to promote the humane treatment of indigenous peoples while maintaining Spanish economic and political control. The laws attempted to strike a balance between protecting indigenous subjects and ensuring the expansion of the Spanish Empire, reflecting the Crown’s effort to legitimize Spanish rule while still preserving the economic benefits of indigenous labor. However, while these laws sought to regulate colonial practices, they did not abolish the encomienda system. Instead, they imposed guidelines that sought to reduce abuses without fundamentally altering the system of forced labor.

The Laws of Burgos introduced several key provisions, including the regulation of the encomienda system, ensuring that encomenderos (Spanish landowners) followed specific rules regarding the treatment of indigenous laborers. The laws also mandated religious instruction, requiring encomenderos to convert indigenous peoples to Christianity, reinforcing Spain’s justification for its colonial rule under the pretense of religious salvation. Additionally, the laws set limits on forced labor, assigning work shifts to indigenous laborers and ensuring they received some degree of rest, although these provisions were often poorly enforced. Spaniards were also required to provide adequate shelter, food, and clothing to their indigenous workers, but in practice, conditions remained harsh and exploitative. Furthermore, while the laws technically outlawed excessive physical punishment, penalties for violations were minimal, and abuses continued largely unchecked.

Although the Laws of Burgos were a landmark legal reform, they failed to effectively protect indigenous peoples from exploitation. Many Spanish colonists ignored or circumvented the regulations, and enforcement by colonial authorities was weak or nonexistent. While the laws acknowledged the humanity of indigenous peoples, they ultimately served to reaffirm Spanish control rather than dismantle the exploitative labor system that underpinned colonial economies. Despite their limitations, the Laws of Burgos set a precedent for future debates about the legal and ethical status of indigenous peoples in Spanish territories. They marked the beginning of Spain’s evolving colonial policies, which would continue to be contested, revised, and redefined in the decades that followed.

“On indoctrination: XVII: Also, we order and command that now and in the future all the sons of chiefs of the said Island, of the age of thirteen or under, shall be given to the friars of the Order of St. Francis who may reside on the said Island, as the King my Lord has commanded in one of his decrees, so that the said friars may teach them to read and write, and all the other things of our Holy Catholic Faith; and they shall keep them for four years and then return them to the persons who have them in encomienda, so that these sons of chiefs may teach the said Indians . . . . On gold: XIII: Also, we order and command that, after the Indians have been brought to the estates, all the founding [of gold] that henceforth is done on the said Island shall be done in the manner prescribed below: that is, the said persons who have Indians in encomienda shall extract gold with them for five months in the year and, at the end of these five months, the said Indians shall rest forty days, and the day they cease their labor of extracting gold shall be noted on a certificate . . . And we command that the Indians who thus leave the mines shall And we command that the Indians who thus leave the mines shall not, during the said forty days, be ordered to do anything whatever, save to plant the hillocks necessary for their subsistence that season; and the persons who have the said Indians in encomienda shall be obliged, during these forty days of rest, to indoctrinate them in the things of our Faith more than on the other days, because they will have the opportunity.” – Laws of Burgos

The efforts of Montesinos to defend the rights of indigenous peoples were carried forward by another Dominican monk, Bartolomé de las Casas, who became one of the most vocal advocates for indigenous rights in the Spanish Empire. In 1537, Las Casas authored The Only Method of Attracting All People to the True Faith, in which he argued against the use of war and coercion in the conquest and conversion of indigenous peoples. He condemned Spanish military campaigns as unjust and tyrannical, asserting that any land, property, or resources taken from indigenous communities were unlawfully seized and should be returned to them.

Las Casas fundamentally believed that indigenous peoples were rational human beings, capable of understanding Christian teachings through persuasion rather than force. He rejected the notion that conversion should be imposed through violence, coercion, or fear, emphasizing that true Christian faith must be embraced voluntarily. His arguments directly challenged Spanish justifications for conquest and forced labor, positioning him as one of the first European thinkers to advocate for the rights and dignity of indigenous peoples.

Las Casas’s position closely aligned with the doctrine outlined in Sublimis Deus (1537), a papal bull issued by Pope Paul III (r. 1534–1549). This decree was one of the most significant official statements from the Catholic Church on the status of indigenous peoples. Below is a selection from Sublimis Deus, in which Pope Paul III affirms the humanity and rationality of indigenous peoples, explicitly forbidding their enslavement and forced conversion. This decree reaffirmed Las Casas’s arguments and served as an important milestone in the evolving debate over the ethics of Spanish colonial rule.

“We define and declare by these Our letters . . . the said Indians and all other people who may later be discovered by Christians, are by no means to be deprived of their liberty or the possession of their property, even though they be outside the faith of Jesus Christ; and that they may and should, freely and legitimately, enjoy their liberty and the possession of their property; nor should they be in any way enslaved; should the contrary happen, it shall be null and have no effect.” – Sublimis Deus

Like Bartolomé de las Casas, Francisco de Vitoria (1483–1546) was a Dominican scholar and theologian who became a leading voice in the debate over Spanish colonial rule and the rights of indigenous peoples. In 1539, Vitoria delivered a lecture that profoundly challenged the ideological and legal foundations of Spain’s empire in the Americas. His ideas, later compiled in his work Relectio de Indis, directly contested the legitimacy of Spanish claims to the New World and the authority of the Papacy to grant these lands to the Spanish Crown.

Vitoria argued that Native Americans were rational beings, pointing to their systems of government, laws, and private property as evidence of their capacity for self-rule. He rejected the common justification for Spanish conquest—that indigenous peoples were naturally inferior and thus required European governance—asserting instead that they had legitimate sovereignty over their lands and societies. This perspective struck at the heart of Spanish legal claims, which were based on the notion that the Pope had the authority to grant the Americas to Spain under the 1493 Inter Caetera bull. In his Relectio de Indis, Vitoria directly challenged papal authority over temporal (earthly) matters, arguing that Christ himself had declared that his kingdom was not of this world, but of the spiritual realm. Therefore, he concluded, the Pope had no right to transfer sovereignty over the Americas to the Spanish Monarchy. This radical claim undermined the legal and religious justification Spain had used to assert its control over indigenous lands.

Vitoria’s lecture shocked the Spanish elite, as it called into question the entire legal foundation of Spanish imperial rule. Unsurprisingly, Charles V, the King of Spain following Ferdinand’s death, acted swiftly to suppress these ideas. He ordered Vitoria to abandon his arguments, and though Vitoria complied, his work left a lasting intellectual legacy. His ideas later influenced early principles of international law, particularly the notion that sovereignty should be based on the natural rights of all peoples, rather than on religious or racial superiority.

While Vitoria ultimately ceased his public criticisms under royal pressure, his Relectio de Indis remained a crucial document in the history of human rights and colonial ethics, contributing to later debates about the legitimacy of imperial rule and the treatment of indigenous populations.

In 1550 and 1551, one of the most significant intellectual and moral debates of the Spanish colonial period took place in Valladolid, Spain. Known as the Valladolid Debate, this confrontation between Bartolomé de las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda addressed the justice of the Spanish wars against indigenous peoples. The debate was convened by King Charles V in response to growing concerns over the moral and legal justification of Spanish rule in the Americas. It marked the first formal European discussion on the rights of colonized peoples and the legitimacy of European conquest, reflecting the mounting ethical concerns over Spain’s expanding empire.

The two men represented starkly opposing views on Spanish colonial expansion and the treatment of indigenous populations. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, a humanist scholar and theologian, defended Spanish military campaigns in the New World, outlining his arguments in his work Democrates alter, sive de justis belli causis apud Indios (Another Democrates, or on the Just Causes for War Against the Indians). His position was deeply influenced by the classical philosophy of Aristotle and the medieval concept of just war, which provided him with an ideological framework to defend Spanish conquests.

Sepúlveda argued that indigenous peoples were “natural slaves” as described in Aristotle’s theory of natural slavery, meaning they were inherently inferior to Europeans and required Spanish rule for their own benefit. He also asserted that Spain had the right to wage “just war” against indigenous peoples because they practiced idolatry, human sacrifice, and cannibalism, which he viewed as violations of natural law. Furthermore, Sepúlveda maintained that Spanish civilization was far superior to that of indigenous societies, making Spanish conquest a civilizing mission that ultimately benefited the indigenous populations. Since indigenous peoples were seen as resistant to voluntary conversion to Christianity, he argued that force and violence were necessary tools to subdue them and facilitate their salvation.

“Interpreting their religion in an ignorant and barbarous manner, they sacrificed human victims by removing the hearts from the chests. They placed these hearts on their abominable altars. With this ritual they believed that they had appeased their gods. They also ate the flesh of the sacrificed men . . . . War against these barbarians can be justified not only on the basis of their paganism but even more so because of their abominable licentiousness, their prodigious sacrifice of human victims, the extreme harm that they inflicted on innocent persons, their horrible banquets of human flesh, and the impious cult of their idols.” – Democrates alter, sive de justis belli causis apud Indios

Las Casas vehemently opposed Sepúlveda’s arguments and became the most passionate advocate for indigenous rights. In his Apologética Historia Sumaria, he condemned the brutality of Spanish conquests, arguing that indigenous peoples were rational human beings with souls, fully capable of understanding Christianity without coercion. He rejected the idea that war was justified against them, emphasizing that they should be converted through peaceful means rather than force. Las Casas’s position challenged the entire foundation of Spanish colonial policies, advocating for the end of violence and exploitation in the Americas.

The Valladolid Debate did not produce a clear winner, but it marked a turning point in the ethical and legal debates over Spanish colonization. While Sepúlveda’s arguments provided continued justifications for conquest, Las Casas’s advocacy contributed to later reforms, such as the New Laws of 1542, which aimed to limit indigenous enslavement and improve their treatment under Spanish rule. Ultimately, the debate exposed the moral contradictions within Spain’s imperial mission, foreshadowing later discussions on human rights, sovereignty, and the ethics of colonialism.

THE PUSH FOR ENSLAVED AFRICANS IN THE CARIBBEAN

In 1516, King Ferdinand died, and the regent of Spain, Cardinal Cisneros, appointed three Jeronymites to investigate and govern over Hispañiola. The decline of the indigenous population became a major concern as forced labor was a necessity to ensure the survival of the island economy. The solution proposed by the Jeronymites was bring labor into this region from Africa in the form of slaves. Why this solution would be widely accepted with time is summarized by Roquinaldo Ferreira and Tatiana Seijas:

“First, the region witnessed a demographic catastrophe in the wake of European colonialism that decimated millions of indigenous people, forcing colonists to look elsewhere for productive labor. Second, Portugal had a preexisting slave trade to Europe and other African regions, which enabled Portuguese traders to deliver enslaved Africans to the Americas. Third, the slave trade to Latin America reflected the region’s place in the early modern global economy, which was largely defined by the massive production of agricultural commodities for export to Europe.“

The historian David Wheat makes a very important observation about enslaved Africans in Latin America. Wheat explains that “throughout the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, as Africans and people of African descent became de facto settlers on Spain’s behalf, the Latinization of enslaved Africans played a structural role in sustaining Spanish colonization of the Caribbean.” Enlsaved Africans brought into the Spanish Caribbean received one of two classifications assigned by the Spanish. For those African slaves who were familiar with Castilian (Spanish) or the Portuguese language they were labeled ladinos. Those African slaves who were not familiar with Iberian languages were categorized as bozales. Ladinos were African slaves who more than likely had Spain as their embarkation point meaning they had spent some time in Iberia. In contrast, bozales had their embarkation point in Africa.

Why were the Portuguese dominant in the early slave trade to colonial Latin America? Recall from out last discussion that the Portuguese crown channeled its energies on expansion down the coast of Africa and the establishment of trading forts. This positioned the Portuguese through the trade networks they had established to control the trans-Atlantic slave trade in its early stages. More specifically, it was trading networks in Senegambia, the Gold Coast, and Central Africa that made it possible for the Portuguese to meet the slave labor demand of colonial Latin America. Also recall that sugar production, “more than any other product, embodies the close connection between the rise of an international labor market (based on slavery) and the development of plantation economies that tied together Europe, Africa, and the Americas.” Later, gold and silver mining along with coffee production would place a demand on African slave labor.

It is important to reflect on what one historian has noted about slavery in the Americas: “It transferred the wealth produced by Africans and their descendants to slave owners, producing a centuries-long legacy of expropriation and poverty that continued to affect Afro descendants long after slavery had ended.” As previously noted, Portugal as a nation came together much quicker than Spain. This facilitated Portuguese expansion into the Atlantic and down the coast of Africa. Keep in mind, the Portuguese like the Spanish were able to take advantage of maritime technological innovations and geographic knowledge introduced by Islam into Iberia. Also recall that it was the Portuguese who fused the growing of sugar with African slave labor off the coast of Africa. The classic example where we see this fusion take place was in the Atlantic islands and in São Tomé.

THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO

The Spanish conquest of Mexico, which culminated in the fall of the Empire of the Triple Alliance between 1519 and 1521, was preceded by earlier exploratory missions along the Mexican coastline. While some historians speculate that Spanish sailors may have probed the region as early as 1507, the first documented contact between the Spanish and the indigenous peoples of Mexico occurred in 1517. This encounter was led by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, a Spanish explorer who sailed from Cuba on an expedition that would bring the Spanish into direct confrontation with the Maya civilization.

Upon reaching the Yucatán Peninsula, Hernández de Córdoba and his crew became the first Europeans to encounter the Maya. However, this interaction quickly turned violent. In the town of Champotón, the Maya fiercely resisted the Spanish incursion, launching an attack that resulted in the deaths of half of Hernández de Córdoba’s 110 men. Severely wounded, Hernández de Córdoba managed to escape back to Cuba, where he reported his findings to Diego Velázquez, the governor of Cuba. His accounts of the wealth, cities, and organized societies of the mainland piqued the interest of Velázquez, who saw the potential for conquest and profit.

Encouraged by Francisco Hernández de Córdoba’s reports of the Maya civilization and the wealth of the Mexican mainland, Governor Diego Velázquez of Cuba organized a second expedition in 1518, this time under the command of Juan de Grijalva. Grijalva’s voyage marked Spain’s second major attempt to explore and assess the potential for conquest in Mexico. Sailing along the eastern coastline, Grijalva’s expedition reached as far north as Totonac territory, an indigenous group that would later play a critical role in alliances with the Spanish. His presence did not go unnoticed by the Mexica (Aztec) Empire—officials spotted the Spanish ships and promptly reported the foreign arrivals to the Mexica leadership in Tenochtitlán. This marked the first recorded instance of the Aztecs becoming aware of the Spanish presence.

Although Grijalva did not attempt to establish settlements or initiate large-scale military engagements, his expedition was significant in gathering intelligence on the political and economic conditions of the region. He returned to Cuba with reports of a vast and wealthy civilization in the interior, which he described as highly organized and rich in resources. This news greatly intrigued Velázquez, who saw tremendous opportunities for conquest and expansion. As a result, the governor began preparations for a third and more ambitious expedition, one that would be entrusted to Hernán Cortés in 1519—an expedition that would ultimately lead to the conquest of the Aztec Empire and the transformation of Mexico under Spanish rule.

Hernán Cortés (1485–1547) was the man chosen by Governor Diego Velázquez to lead the third and most ambitious Spanish expedition to Mexico, known as an entrada. His early life, though somewhat obscure, can be pieced together through Francisco López de Gómara’s biography, which provides insights into Cortés’s formative years and rise to prominence. Cortés is believed to have arrived in Santo Domingo (modern-day Dominican Republic) in 1504 at the age of 19. Like many Spanish adventurers of his time, he sought opportunities in the Indies, where Spain was expanding its colonial presence. His time in the Caribbean allowed him to network with Spanish officials and establish himself as a capable and ambitious figure. He developed a close friendship with Diego Velázquez, even before Velázquez was appointed Governor of Cuba. This relationship proved advantageous, as Cortés later followed Velázquez to Cuba and became his secretary, positioning himself within the colonial administration.

With his administrative experience and knowledge of colonial affairs, Cortés became a natural choice to lead Velázquez’s third expedition into Mexico. However, just before the expedition set sail, a falling out between Cortés and Velázquez led the governor to revoke Cortés’s commission and attempt to remove him from command. The exact reasons for this dispute remain debated, but it likely stemmed from Velázquez’s fear that Cortés would act independently and not remain loyal to his authority. Before Velázquez could formally strip him of command, Cortés acted swiftly. On February 18, 1519, he sailed out of Cuba toward Mexico, defying the governor’s orders. He departed with approximately 450–550 men, twelve cannons, and a handful of horses.

Upon landing on the Yucatán Peninsula, Hernán Cortés made a crucial acquisition that would prove invaluable to his conquest of Mexico—the rescue of Gerónimo de Aguilar. Aguilar, a Spanish friar, had been shipwrecked in the region in 1511 and spent years living among the Maya, during which he acquired fluency in the Maya language. When Cortés arrived in 1519, Aguilar rejoined the Spanish expedition and became one of Cortés’s key interpreters, facilitating communication with the indigenous peoples of the Yucatán.

After defeating the local Maya forces at Potonchán (modern-day Tabasco), Cortés was awarded twenty indigenous women as part of a traditional tribute payment. Among them was a woman who would become one of the most controversial and debated figures in Mexican history—Doña Marina, also known as Malinche (Malintzin) or Malinalli Tenepal. Her exact origins remain uncertain, but historical sources suggest that she may have been of noble birth, later enslaved by the Maya through conflicts or trade.

Doña Marina played a pivotal role in the conquest of the Aztec Empire, acting as Cortés’s primary interpreter, advisor, and intermediary. She spoke Nahuatl (the language of the Mexica/Aztecs) and quickly learned Spanish, allowing her to bridge the gap between the Spanish and indigenous populations. Through her translations and insights into indigenous politics, she provided Cortés with critical intelligence that shaped his military and diplomatic strategies. Her role is well documented in the writings of Bernal Díaz del Castillo, a Spanish soldier who chronicled the conquest in his work The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, as well as in the Florentine Codex, compiled by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún.

While Doña Marina was instrumental in facilitating Spanish alliances with indigenous groups opposed to the Aztecs, her legacy is highly contested. Some view her as a victim of circumstance, forced into a position where cooperation with the Spanish was necessary for survival. Others see her as a betrayer of her people, who aided the downfall of the Aztec Empire. Regardless of interpretation, her role in shaping the course of Mexican history is undeniable. Below are selections from Bernal Díaz del Castillo’s writings, describing Doña Marina’s role in the Spanish conquest.

“Before speaking of the great Montezuma, and of the famous city of Mexico and the Mexicans, I should like to give an account of Doña Marina, who had been a great lady and a Cacique [lord, or leader] over towns and vassals since her childhood. Her father and mother were lords and Caciques of a town called Paynala, which had other towns subject to it, and lay about twenty-four miles from the town of Coatzacoalcos. Her father died while she was still very young, and her mother married another Cacique, a young man, to whom she bore a son. The mother and father seem to have been very fond of this son, for they agreed that he should succeed to the Caciqueship when they were dead. To avoid any impediment, they gave Doña Marina to some Indians from Xicalango, and this they did by night in order to be unobserved. They then spread the report that the child had died; and as the daughter of one of their Indian slaves happened to die at this time, they gave it out that this was their daughter the heiress. The Indians of Xicalango gave the child to the people of Tabasco, and the Tabascans gave her to Cortes.” – The True History of the Conquest of New Spain

Upon arriving on the Mexican mainland, Hernán Cortés wasted no time in establishing a political and legal foothold for his expedition. He founded La Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, a settlement that would serve as the first Spanish town in Mexico. This move was not just strategic but also politically necessary—Cortés was fully aware that he had defied Diego Velázquez’s authority, as the Cuban governor had officially revoked his right to lead the expedition. By establishing a town council (cabildo), Cortés secured his legitimacy through a legal mechanism rather than relying on Velázquez’s approval. The council formally appointed him captain and justicia mayor (supreme judge), giving him official command over the expedition and making his leadership legitimate under Spanish law. With this new authority, Cortés declared his mission as one serving both Christianity and the Spanish Crown, and he prepared to push forward into the interior of Mexico.

From La Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, Cortés and his men began their march inland, seeking alliances that would aid them against the powerful Aztec Empire. Their first major contact was with the Cempoalans, a tributary people of the Empire of the Triple alliance, who resented the dominance of the Mexica. The Cempoalans welcomed the Spanish as potential allies and helped guide them further into the heart of Mesoamerica. Cortés then made contact with the Tlaxcalans, who were long-standing enemies of the Mexica-dominated Triple Alliance. After an initial series of violent clashes, the Tlaxcalans ultimately allied themselves with the Spanish, becoming the largest indigenous group to aid Cortés in the conquest of Tenochtitlán.

Throughout his campaign in Mexico, Cortés maintained regular correspondence with King Charles V, reporting on his progress and justifying his actions. In his Second Letter to the King, Cortés described how he motivated his men during their march to Tenochtitlán. His letter provides insight into what later became known as the Spanish pursuit of the “Three Gs”: Gold, Glory, and God. This phrase encapsulates the driving forces behind Spanish exploration and conquest, as the Spaniards sought wealth, personal fame, and the spread of Christianity. These motivations not only shaped the conquest of Mexico but also became a defining characteristic of Spain’s expansion throughout the Americas.

On November 8, 1519, Moctezuma II, the ruler of the Mexica (Aztecs), welcomed Hernán Cortés, his Spanish forces, and their indigenous allies into Tenochtitlán, the grand capital of the empire. Despite the initial display of diplomacy, the Spanish quickly took Moctezuma prisoner, believing that controlling the tlatoani (ruler) would lead to the city’s submission. However, this strategy proved ineffective, as the Mexica nobility and military leaders began organizing resistance against the Spanish occupation. As tensions in Tenochtitlán escalated, Cortés faced an unexpected challenge from Pánfilo de Narváez, who landed on the Gulf Coast with orders to capture and imprison him. Narváez had been sent by Diego Velázquez, the governor of Cuba, who was still intent on removing Cortés from command. Rather than succumbing to Narváez’s forces, Cortés swiftly countered the expedition, defeating and incorporating Narváez’s men into his own ranks. With 1,300 additional soldiers, Cortés marched back toward Tenochtitlán, only to find that the city had erupted in open rebellion.

During his absence, his second-in-command, Pedro de Alvarado, had massacred Mexica elites during the festival of Tóxcatl, one of the most important religious celebrations of the Mexica calendar. This brutal act ignited a full-scale uprising, forcing the Spanish to flee the city on June 30, 1520, in an event known as La Noche Triste (“The Night of Sorrows”). As the Spanish attempted to escape under the cover of darkness, hundreds of their men were killed, and much of their stolen gold and treasure was lost in the waters surrounding Tenochtitlán.

Having suffered heavy casualties, Cortés and his forces retreated to Tlaxcala, where they regrouped and planned a renewed assault on the Mexica capital. It took six months for the Spanish and their indigenous allies, particularly the Tlaxcalans, to prepare for the siege of Tenochtitlán. By August 13, 1521, after an extended blockade and brutal warfare, Tenochtitlán fell to the Spanish, marking the collapse of the Aztec Empire. The once-magnificent city, ravaged by war and a devastating smallpox epidemic, was reduced to ruins. With its conquest, Tenochtitlán became the primary destination for Spanish settlers and the foundation for Mexico City, which would emerge as the capital of New Spain and one of the most important cities in the Spanish colonial empire.

IN CLOSING

Spain quickly established control in the Caribbean, particularly on Hispaniola, but faced governance challenges, indigenous resistance, and ethical debates over colonization. Figures like Bartolomé de las Casas and Francisco de Vitoria later criticized Spain’s treatment of indigenous peoples, sparking legal and theological discussions. To sustain its colonial economy, and deal with the demographic collapse of indigenous populations, Spain turned to the transatlantic slave trade, incorporating enslaved Africans into its labor system. Expansion continued onto the mainland, culminating in Hernán Cortés’s conquest of the Empire of the Triple Alliance in 1521. These developments set the stage for Spanish rule in Mexico and the reshaping of the indigenous socioeconomic and political world.

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